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Slate Office REIT (TSE:SOT.UN) Trading 53.7% Higher – Here’s What HappenedHealth minister Damodar Rajanarsimha directed officials to complete the setting up of 22 central medicine stores (CMS) within a week. With this, each of the districts will have a CMS. To address the reported shortage of medicines in hospitals, the minister ordered the formation of 10 task force teams, one for each undivided district, to inspect hospitals and CMS. During a meeting with officials, Rajanarsimha suggested that the supply chain management be divided into three stages. He also recommended holding workshops for pharmacists on the use of the existing e-Asuhadi portal. He directed hospitals to place indent orders in time with the TGMIDC for medicines in the necessary quantities. After procurement, medicines should be distributed to the CMS, where computers have been installed. The CMS staff should record stock details online, including medicine quantities and signatures from recipients. He suggested that all information, right from the medicine indent request to its delivery to the patient, should be recorded online.
Government to block incinerators that do not contribute to green plansAP Sports SummaryBrief at 6:49 p.m. EST
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Even with access to blockbuster obesity drugs, some people don't lose weightATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.
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Sports Week in Review: Highlights and HeadlinesKansas once required voters to prove citizenship. That didn't work out so wellJimmy Carter, the self-effacing peanut farmer, humanitarian and former navy lieutenant who helped Canada avert a nuclear catastrophe before ascending to the highest political office in the United States, died Sunday at his home in Georgia. He was 100, making him the longest-lived U.S. president in American history. Concern for Carter's health had become a recurring theme in recent years. He was successfully treated for brain cancer in 2015, then suffered a number of falls, including one in 2019 that resulted in a broken hip. Alarm spiked in February 2023, however, when the Carter Center — the philanthropic organization he and his wife Rosalynn founded in 1982 — announced he would enter hospice care at his modest, three-bedroom house in Plains, Ga. Rosalynn Carter, a mental health advocate whose role as presidential spouse helped to define the modern first lady, predeceased her husband in November 2023 — a death at 96 that triggered a remembrance to rival his. "Rosalynn was my equal partner in everything I ever accomplished," the former president said in a statement after she died. "As long as Rosalynn was in the world, I always knew somebody loved and supported me." Conventional wisdom saw his single White House term as middling. But Carter's altruistic work ethic, faith-filled benevolence and famous disdain for the financial trappings of high office only endeared him to generations after he left politics in 1981. "The trite phrase has been, 'Jimmy Carter has been the best former president in the history of the United States,'" said Gordon Giffin, a former U.S. ambassador to Canada who sits on the Carter Center's board of trustees. "That grated on him, because it distinguished his service as president from his service — and I literally mean service — as a former president." His relentless advocacy for human rights, a term Carter popularized long before it became part of the political lexicon, included helping to build homes for the poor across the U.S. and in 14 other countries, including Canada, well into his 90s. He devoted the resources of the Carter Center to tackling Guinea worm, a parasite that afflicted an estimated 3.5 million people in the developing world in the early 1980s and is today all but eradicated, with just 13 cases reported in 2022. And he was a tireless champion of ending armed conflict and promoting democratic elections in the wake of the Cold War, with his centre monitoring 113 such votes in 39 different countries — and offering conflict-resolution expertise when democracy receded. Carter was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002, nearly a quarter-century after his seminal work on the Camp David Accords helped pave the way for a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1979, the first of its kind. "His presidency got sidelined in the historic evaluation too quickly, and now people are revisiting it," Giffin said. "I think his standing in history as president will grow." A lifelong Democrat who never officially visited Canada as president, Carter was nonetheless a pioneer of sorts when it came to Canada-U.S. relations and a close friend to the two Canadian prime ministers he served alongside. One of them, former Progressive Conservative leader Joe Clark, once called Carter a "pretty good Canadian" — a testament to the former commander-in-chief's authenticity and centre-left politics, which always resonated north of the Canada-U.S. border. The pair were reunited in 2017 at a panel discussion in Atlanta hosted by the Canadian American Business Council, and seemed to delight in teasing the host when she described Clark as a "conservative" and Carter as a "progressive." "I'm a Progressive Conservative — that's very important," Clark corrected her. Piped up Carter: "I'm a conservative progressive." In 2012, the Carters visited Kingston, Ont., to receive an honorary degree from Queen's University. Instead of a fancy hotel, they stayed with Arthur Milnes, a former speech writer, journalist and political scholar who'd long since become a close friend. "He became my hero, believe it or not, probably when I was about 12," said Milnes, whose parents had come of age during the Cold War and lived in perpetual fear of the ever-present nuclear threat until Carter took over the White House in 1977. "My mother never discussed politics, with one exception — and that was when Jimmy Carter was in the White House. She'd say, 'Art, Jimmy Carter is a good and decent man,'" Milnes recalled. "They always said, both of them, that for the first time since the 1950s, they felt safe, knowing that it was this special man from rural Georgia, Jimmy Carter, who had his finger on the proverbial button." While Richard Nixon and Pierre Trudeau appeared to share a mutual antipathy during their shared time in office, Carter got along famously with the prime minister. Indeed, it was at the express request of the Trudeau family that Carter attended the former prime minister's funeral in 2000, Giffin said. "The message I got back was the family would appreciate it if Jimmy Carter could come," said Giffin, who was the U.S. envoy in Ottawa at the time. "So he did come. He was at the Trudeau funeral. And to me, that said a lot about not only the relationship he had with Trudeau, but the relationship he had in the Canada-U.S. dynamic." It was at that funeral in Montreal that Carter — "much to my frustration," Giffin allowed — spent more than two hours in a holding room with Cuban leader Fidel Castro, a meeting that resulted in Carter visiting Cuba in 2002, the first former president to do so. But it was long before Carter ever entered politics that he established a permanent bond with Canada — one forged in the radioactive aftermath of what might otherwise have become the country's worst nuclear calamity. In 1952, Carter was a 28-year-old U.S. navy lieutenant, a submariner with a budding expertise in nuclear power, when he and his crew were dispatched to help control a partial meltdown at the experimental Chalk River Laboratories northwest of Ottawa. In his 2016 book "A Full Life: Reflections at Ninety," Carter described working in teams of three, first practising on a mock-up of the reactor, then on the real thing, in short 90-second bursts to avoid absorbing more than the maximum allowable dose of radiation. "The limit on radiation absorption in the early 1950s was approximately 1,000 times higher than it is 60 years later," he wrote. "There were a lot of jokes about the effects of radioactivity, mostly about the prospect of being sterilized, and we had to monitor our urine until all our bodies returned to the normal range." That, Carter would later acknowledge in interviews, took him about six months. Carter and Clark were both in office during the so-called "Canadian Caper," a top-secret operation to spirit a group of U.S. diplomats out of Iran following the fall of the U.S. embassy in Tehran in 1979. The elaborate ploy, which involved passing the group off as a Canadian science-fiction film crew, was documented in the Oscar-winning 2012 Ben Affleck film "Argo." Carter didn't think much of the film. "The movie that was made, 'Argo,' was very distorted. They hardly mentioned the Canadian role in this very heroic, courageous event," he said during the CABC event. He described the true events of that escapade as "one of the greatest examples of a personal application of national friendship I have ever known." To the end, Carter was an innately humble and understated man, said Giffin — a rare commodity in any world leader, much less in one from the United States. "People underestimate who Jimmy Carter is because he leads with his humanity," he said. "I read an account the other day that said the Secret Service vehicles that are parked outside his house are worth more than the house. How many former presidents have done that?" This report by The Canadian Press was first published Dec, 29, 2024. James McCarten, The Canadian Press
News that President-elect Donald Trump’s team wants to hack away at the forbidding tangle of U.S. bank regulation is welcome in the abstract. In practice, though, much will depend on the details. The goal should be simplifying financial oversight more broadly — not just defanging a tough watchdog. No doubt, the current system is unwieldy. At the federal level — excluding an array of separate state regulators — three entities oversee banks, two supervise markets, one aims to protect consumers and another defends against financial crimes. Many large institutions must submit to all of them. Senior managers of an average bank today spend some 42 percent of their time on compliance-related tasks. Worse, such fragmentation at times allows risks to fall through the cracks. Much of this system was designed decades ago for a simpler world. One glaring example is the separation of the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. One was established 90 years ago to protect investors in securities such as stocks and bonds; the other was created 50 years ago to oversee commodities markets and related futures and options contracts. Today, when many financial companies trade in both markets, the two supervisors often overlap and don’t always properly communicate. In 2011, after the chaotic bankruptcy of derivatives broker MF Global Holdings Ltd., a congressional postmortem detailed how the commissions failed to coordinate their approach to the company’s deteriorating finances and disagreed about where to safeguard its customers’ money. Such bifurcation is anomalous by global standards, and policymakers have been talking about combining the two for decades. In a familiar tale, however, politics has taken precedence over common sense: The House Committee on Agriculture has been loath to cede its oversight of the CFTC, which attracts hefty campaign donations from financial companies. (The SEC is under the House Financial Services Committee.) If Trump wants a relatively clear-cut reform, this would be a good place to start. Merging the two commissions would help streamline the rules, reduce compliance costs and ease cooperation with regulators overseas. It would be an ambitious change but not a radical one: Both a former CFTC commissioner and a current SEC commissioner have endorsed the idea. Reforming banking oversight would be less straightforward. It’s true that the U.S. has too many regulators — including the Federal Reserve, the Treasury Department’s Office of the Comptroller of the Currency and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. — in addition to state banking authorities. But this morass defies easy fixes; simply folding the FDIC into the Treasury Department, as the Trump team is considering, will likely create more problems than it solves. A better approach would be to create a single prudential authority charged with protecting the financial system. The new body could be overseen by a board that includes representatives from the Fed, the Treasury and the FDIC, while doing away with the OCC entirely. Ideally it would also oversee nonbank companies, such as asset managers, that play a significant role in the system. Such a regulator could focus more on essential risks than on box-checking exercises or turf wars. It would be less susceptible to influence by the companies it oversees and could (in theory) allow for streamlined compliance. It would also make clear where the buck stops when things go wrong. Such far-reaching reforms would require political skill and sustained effort, which were not hallmarks of Trump’s previous term. The ambition is laudable all the same. In regulation as in life, simplicity is a virtue. — Bloomberg News
Following their disappointing start to the season, the Milwaukee Bucks have completely turned things around by slowly improving the chemistry of their tandem. They have clawed their way into a top-five seed in the Eastern Conference after a 2-8 start, and along the way, they have also become NBA Cup champions. This fight-back has given their team a completely different mindset. Bobby Portis exuded that confidence during a guest appearance on FanDuel TV’s Run It Back . He showed that their camaraderie isn’t restricted to strictly players. The players of the Wisconsin side will not hesitate to go to war for the team’s coaches as well. In other words, the Bucks big man admitted that the team is excited for their matchup against the Lakers to exact revenge for their assistant coach and former Lakers head coach, Darvin Ham. “I mean it’s going to be a fun game to play in... Obviously for Coach Ham it’s a big moment for him. I think our guys will be fired up for him to go and get a [win] . On the other side, they’ll [Lakers] be fired up to not let their coach beat them,” he said. We are still months away from the Bucks and Lakers’ first matchup of the season on March 13. However, Portis’ comments following the NBA Cup win may have potentially ignited a rivalry between the two teams. He called the Bucks’ NBA Cup team “hardworking” while calling last year’s NBA Cup champions, the Lakers, “Hollywood”. He didn’t even hesitate to double down on his comments. This energy from Portis showed just how positive the atmosphere is in the Bucks’ locker room. Now we’ll have to see if the team can sustain their run. in the meantime, Portis is looking forward to going head-to-head against the Lakers. His motivation comes in the form of defending Ham’s honor after his disgraceful firing from the Lakers organization. Ham spent two full seasons with the Lakers before the team terminated his contract earlier this year. The Bucks big man predicts the game to be highly competitive and must-watch TV when the time comes. Darvin Ham’s history as the Lakers head coach Ham accomplished some impressive feats with the Lakers in his two-year stint. In his first season at the helm, he led the team to the Western Conference Finals as a Play-In team. Los Angeles went on to lose in a competitive four-game sweep to the eventual NBA champions, the Denver Nuggets. The problems began in his second season. At first, the Lakers seemed to have expanded on their successful 2023 postseason run. They won the inaugural NBA In-Season Tournament and their chemistry looked amazing. However, their season soon fell apart. The Lakers finished the season as the seventh seed for the consecutive year. In addition, they lost to the Nuggets once again, this time, in the first round. Ham received tremendous criticism for his poor in-game adjustments and lack of effective substitutions. As a result, the Lakers fired him ahead of the 2024-25 NBA season and hired JJ Redick as his replacement. Ham believes he was made the scapegoat for the Lakers’ problems, which will make the matchup against the Bucks all the more worth watching.
Lara Trump stepping down as RNC co-chair and addressing speculation about Florida Senate seatPambababoy! Pambabastos!Lara Trump stepping down as RNC co-chair and addressing speculation about Florida Senate seatWorld’s oldest surviving market running for 1,000 YEARS holds its final Christmas meat auction before it CLOSES
Indian Share Market Opens Lower, Nifty Below 23,800
Government to block incinerators that do not contribute to green plans
