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Nonlinear compton scattering with a multi-petawatt laser producing ultra-bright gamma rays November 25, 2024 Institute for Basic Science A team of researchers has successfully demonstrated nonlinear Compton scattering (NCS) between an ultra-relativistic electron beam and an ultrahigh intensity laser pulse using the 4-Petawatt laser. The innovative approach was the usage of only a laser for electron-photon collisions, in which a multi-PW laser is applied both for particle acceleration and for collision (also called an all-optical setup). This achievement represents a significant milestone in strong field physics, in particular strong field quantum electrodynamics (QED), offering new insights into high-energy electron-photon interactions without the need for a traditional mile-long particle accelerator. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIN Email In a groundbreaking study recently published online in the journal Nature Photonics , a team of researchers has successfully demonstrated nonlinear Compton scattering (NCS) between an ultra-relativistic electron beam and an ultrahigh intensity laser pulse using the 4-Petawatt laser at the Center for Relativistic Laser Science (CoReLS) within the Institute for Basic Science at Gwangju Institute of Science and Technology (GIST), Korea. The innovative approach was the usage of only a laser for electron-photon collisions, in which a multi-PW laser is applied both for particle acceleration and for collision (also called an all-optical setup). This achievement represents a significant milestone in strong field physics, in particular strong field quantum electrodynamics (QED), offering new insights into high-energy electron-photon interactions without the need for a traditional mile-long particle accelerator. Nonlinear Compton scattering requires an electron to absorb multiple laser photons while emitting a single high-energy gamma-ray photon. To observe this phenomenon, researchers approached the "Schwinger limit" -- a theoretical laser intensity (2x10 29 W/cm 2 ) so strong that it "boils" the vacuum of space-time, for generating matter-antimatter pairs. Since the current record for the highest laser intensity in the world, demonstrated by CoReLS, is still a million times below this threshold, the team employed a workaround: an ultra-relativistic electron beam collided with an ultrahigh intensity laser pulse, exploiting Einstein's theory of relativity. In the electron's reference frame, the laser intensity appeared to be about 50% of the Schwinger limit, triggering nonlinear QED phenomena. The scientists conducted a series of experiments using the CoReLS PW laser. The laser beam was split into two beams, each serving distinct roles. The first beam was focused onto a 5-cm-long gas-filled cell, where it triggered "laser wakefield acceleration" (LWFA) of electrons. In this mechanism of acceleration, electrons "surf" a laser-generated plasma wave, gaining an energy up to 3 GeV -- 99.999999% of the speed of light. The second beam was a flash of light focused to a 2-micron diameter (a few % of a hair diameter), lasting only 20 femtoseconds (a femtosecond represents a billionth of a millionth of a second). This beam was directed to collide with the accelerated electrons coming out of the plasma in the gas cell. Achieving the precise overlap required for the collision, within a few microns and 10 femtoseconds, allowed the laser pulse to "shake" the electrons, which bounced up to 400 laser photons, absorbing them simultaneously. The absorbed energy was then emitted as a single high-energy gamma-ray photon with energy in the range of tens to hundreds of megaelectronvolts. Researchers carefully characterized the gamma-ray energy, aided by Monte-Carlo simulations, to ensure that other x-ray and gamma-ray backgrounds did not interfere with the measurements. They verified the gamma-ray signatures against theoretical predictions and compared the experimental results with analytical models and particle-in-cell simulations performed using supercomputers. The agreement between the experiment and simulation confirmed the occurrence of nonlinear Compton scattering and allowed the team to deduce the colliding laser intensity by extracting its "fingerprint" from the gamma-ray signals. Due to the large number of collisions, the resulting gamma-ray beam produced in experiments was 1,000 times brighter than anything previously achieved in laboratories at this energy scale. This breakthrough has potential applications in studying nuclear processes and understanding antimatter production, such as the Breit-Wheeler process for exploring photon-photon collisions to produce electron-positron pairs. This research, published in Nature Photonics, is part of a broader effort to understand quantum electrodynamics (QED) in strong background fields, also known as Strong-Field Quantum Electrodynamics. The research can mimic laboratory phenomena typically found in astrophysical objects like magnetars, supernovae, and the regions in the vicinity of black holes. The first study using a laser-electron beam collision was performed at SLAC in 1996, but using a kilometer-long accelerator and a much less intense laser. Similar experiments are planned also at accelerator facilities such as the DESY (LUXE project, Germany), SLAC (FACET II, USA), and upcoming multi-petawatt laser facilities like Apollon (France), Station for Extreme Light (China), ELI-NP (Romania), ELI-Beamlines (Czech Republic), or Omega EP OPAL (U. Rochester) and ZEUS (U. Michigan, USA). Story Source: Materials provided by Institute for Basic Science . Note: Content may be edited for style and length. Related Multimedia : Journal Reference : Cite This Page :

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When union boss Paddy Crumlin appeared at an international labour conference last month, he entered smiling to the strains of the 1997 hit Tubthumping : “I get knocked down, but I get up again, you’re never going to keep me down.” Crumlin, who led the merger of the Maritime Union he leads with the scandal-plagued CFMEU in 2018, had reason to grin. Wayne Swan, Paddy Crumlin, Nicola Roxon and Julia Angrisano are among the many superannuation fund directors with labour connections. Credit: Monique Westerman In 2021, the Maritime Super fund that Crumlin chaired had performed so poorly that it handed over investment decisions to another fund, Hostplus, and formally merged with it two years later. But this week Crumlin was back as a super fund director. The CFMEU had picked him as a director of Cbus, the building industry superannuation fund. The CFMEU’s Crumlin pick is just one of a thicket of ties between the unions, Labor and industry superannuation funds that have come to be among the largest and most powerful players in the Australian economy. These funds, which count about 11 million members, are run to profit their members while retail super funds are typically operated by for-profit businesses such as fund managers or banks. And, under the industry model in which unions and employer groups nominate roughly equal numbers of directors to funds, ties between the sector and the labour movement are backed in. But as the $3.9 trillion sector’s coffers have swelled, with big industry funds such as AustralianSuper ($341 billion under management), Cbus ($94 billion) and CareSuper ($53 billion) counting memberships up to 3.4 million people, the level of oversight that model delivers has come under greater scrutiny. The Australian Securities and Investments Commission launched Federal Court proceedings last week against Cbus after it failed to identify and prevent delays in processing death and disability insurance claims that affected 10,000 members, dating back to August 2022 – a failure that Cbus has conceded cost its members about $20 million. CFMEU manufacturing division boss Michael O’Connor is facing separate allegations he misused his position at a small fund, First Super, to bankroll the salary of a union delegate with fund money while his organisation was experiencing financial difficulties. And AustralianSuper, the industry’s largest, could be fined $27 million over its failure to consolidate more than 90,000 members’ accounts, costing them almost $70 million, in another case brought by the corporate regulator. While the funds are variously declining to comment, blaming external contractors, or apologising and saying they have already addressed the issues, superannuation critics smell blood. Liberal senator Andrew Bragg, the opposition assistant spokesman for home ownership, says the sector’s board model, in which union and industry representatives oversee funds rather than typical corporate directors, is no longer fit for purpose. “There is an unmanageable conflict of interest between the interests of unions and workers,” Bragg says. “And there is the cavalcade of Labor politicians, how do they get these positions?” Cbus, for example, is chaired by former Labor treasurer and current party president Wayne Swan. Don Russell, a former senior adviser to Labor prime minister Paul Keating, chairs AustralianSuper. HESTA, an $88 billion fund for the health and community sector, is chaired by Nicola Roxon, a Rudd-Gillard era minister. Bragg says the sector has created a perception that it operates in line with modern governance standards. “It has taken the CFMEU issue to expose that,” he says. Bragg is referring to the litany of allegations of underworld infiltration and corruption revealed in this masthead’s Building Bad series that led the federal government to appoint a barrister to take over the CFMEU. That barrister, Mark Irving, KC, said in August he wanted a “clean sweep” of serving CFMEU representatives from the Cbus board but reappointed one who resigned, Jason O’Mara, alongside Crumlin and a union lawyer, Lucy Weber. There are no allegations against any of those individuals. Super Consumers Australia chief executive Xavier O’Halloran, whose group represents people with superannuation accounts, says the “partisan debate” over Cbus should not be the main focus. “The skills and competence of these boards are really important, and that should be the primary focus,” O’Halloran says. “What we have seen in the UK, the regulator has a role in determining a fit and proper person, to determine who should be on the board. “That’s not something the regulator [APRA] here does. They [unions and industry groups] make their own picks, and we think that could be improved, that there should be greater rigour.” But while O’Halloran would like to see improvements to board regulation, and perhaps the introduction of more independent directors, he also confirms the industry superannuation sector is largely beating its retail competitors. And there is evidence they are delivering on the goals Paul Keating had in mind when he set up the superannuation system: ensuring comfortable retirements and reducing the burden, over time, of the aged pension on federal government coffers. The federal 2023 Intergenerational Report shows government spending on Aged and Service pensions will fall from 2.3 per cent of GDP to 2 per cent by 2063, because of superannuation, even as the population ages. Misha Schubert, chief executive of the lobby group for industry super funds, argues their performance shows the board model is working. “The shared governance model of this type of fund – whether they arose from an industry, company or the public sector – was created with a clear and single purpose,” she wrote earlier this year. “To serve the fund members whose retirement savings they safeguard and grow. “They do so by deeply understanding their members and the workplaces in which their members work – they know exactly whose money it is they are stewarding.” The law governing superannuation funds, Schubert notes, requires directors to comply with high standards of performance and act in members’ best interests. Alongside the labour representatives, big superannuation boards are balanced with employer heavyweights. Cbus’ board employer directors, for example, are all nominated by Master Builders Australia and include that organisation’s chief executive, Denita Wawn. It’s a similar story with AustralianSuper, whose employer directors include AiG chief executive (and former Liberal staffer) Innes Willox, as well as a number of other directors aligned with the employer group that originally represented manufacturing firms. A Cbus spokesman said in a statement that having equal employer and employee representation on its board had ensured its success for 40 years, and it was pleased to welcome the three new directors. “After applying a comprehensive ‘fit and proper persons test’ the Cbus board confirmed the appointment of the three directors who share a determination to generate the strongest, sustainable financial returns for members and deliver the best possible service,” the spokesman said. The fund previously apologised to its members over the claim delays, said it was implementing a compensation process and co-operated with ASIC. Swan, the Cbus chairman, told the Today show last week that many of the criticisms of the fund were “completely inaccurate” and blamed a contracted service provider for the insurance delays but apologised to affected members’ families. “I can assure you, from the minute I became aware of this as chair of the board, I worked with the board to resolve it as quickly as possible,” he said. AustralianSuper has apologised for the multiple accounts issue. “We found this mistake, we reported it, we apologised to impacted members, we paid them back, and we’ve improved our processes to prevent it happening again,” a spokesman said. Michael O’Connor, the CFMEU manufacturing division boss, has voluntarily stood aside while the court case over the alleged misuse of his position is under way and had not responded to comment requests. Unlike some of the union heavyweights, many of the Labor figures on superannuation boards have external pedigree. Russell, of AustralianSuper, for example, is a former ambassador to the United States who has worked at global finance firms including BNY Mellon Asset Management and Sanford C. Bernstein. Hostplus chair Roxon is also an independent director at the property company Dexus. And increasingly, the funds also have independent directors with financial or governance expertise. The 2.4 million-member Australian Retirement Trust, for example, has on its board former top regulator Helen Rowell, and Martin Parkinson, who headed the public service under conservative governments. But that has not satisfied the sector’s critics. Bragg, the Liberal senator, is expected to haul Cbus chairman Swan before the Senate’s economics committee for questions next week. Given the pair’s background, it is unlikely to be a genteel affair. Cut through the noise of federal politics with news, views and expert analysis. Subscribers can sign up to our weekly Inside Politics newsletter .

FIUGGI, Italy (AP) — Foreign ministers from the world’s leading industrialized nations expressed cautious optimism Monday about possible progress on a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. The top diplomats met for the final time before a new U.S. administration takes office with wars raging in the Mideast and Ukraine. “Knock on wood,” Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said as he opened the Group of Seven meeting outside Rome. “We are perhaps close to a ceasefire in Lebanon," he said. "Let's hope it's true and that there's no backing down at the last-minute.” A ceasefire in Gaza and Lebanon was foremost on the agenda of the G7 meeting in Fiuggi, outside Rome, that gathered ministers from Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States, in the last G7 encounter of the Biden administration. For the first time, the G7 ministers were joined by their counterparts from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, the so-called “Arab Quintet,” as well as the Secretary General of the Arab League. “Everyone favors a ceasefire in both scenarios,” Tajani told reporters, adding that Italy had offered to take on an even greater peacekeeping role in Lebanon to oversee any ceasefire deal. As the ministers arrived in Italy, Israel’s ambassador to the U.S., Mike Herzog, told Israeli Army Radio on Monday a ceasefire deal to end fighting between Israel and the Lebanon-based Hezbollah could be reached “within days.” Several Arab ministers reiterated calls for a ceasefire in both Lebanon and Gaza during a G7-affiliated conference in Rome. “We need a ceasefire, a permanent ceasefire. That will stop the killings and stop the destruction and restore a sense of normalcy to life,” Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi told the conference. Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty, for his part, reaffirmed that Cairo would host a minister-level conference next Monday on mobilizing international aid for Gaza. The so-called “Quintet” has been working with the U.S. to finalize a “day after” plan for Gaza. There is some urgency to make progress before the Trump administration takes over in January. President-elect Donald Trump is expected to pursue a policy that strongly favors Israel over the aspirations of the Palestinians. Tajani added another item to the G7 agenda last week after the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his former defense minister and Hamas’ military chief. Italy is a founding member of the court and hosted the 1998 Rome conference that gave birth to it. But Italy’s right-wing government has been a strong supporter of Israel after the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks, while also providing humanitarian aid for Palestinians in Gaza. The Italian government has taken a cautious line, reaffirming its support and respect for the court but expressing concern that the warrants were politically motivated. The United States, Israel's closest ally, has called the warrants “outrageous.” Tajani acknowledged consensus hadn't been reached among the G7 members but hoped for agreement to have a unified position. He noted that all sides need Netanyahu to make any deal. “We can also not agree with how his government has led the reaction after the massacre of Oct. 7, but now we have to deal with Netanyahu to arrive at peace in Lebanon, peace in Palestine,” Tajani said. Nathalie Tocci, director of the Rome-based Institute for International Affairs think tank, warned that inserting the ICC warrant into the G7 agenda was risky, since the U.S. is the lone member that is not a signatory to the court and yet tends to dictate the G7 line. “If Italy and the other (five G7) signatories of the ICC are unable to maintain the line on international law, they will not only erode it anyway but will be acting against our interests,” Tocci wrote in La Stampa daily this weekend, recalling Italy’s recourse to international law in demanding protection for Italian U.N. peacekeepers who have come under fire in southern Lebanon. The other major talking point of the G7 meeting is Ukraine , and tensions have only heightened since Russia attacked Ukraine last week with an experimental, hypersonic ballistic missile that escalated the nearly 33-month-old war. Russian President Vladimir Putin said the strike was retaliation for Kyiv’s use of U.S. and British longer-range missiles capable of striking deeper into Russian territory. The G7 has been at the forefront of providing military and economic support for Ukraine since Russia’s invasion in February 2022 and G7 members are particularly concerned about how a Trump administration will change the U.S. approach. Trump has criticized the billions of dollars that the Biden administration has poured into Ukraine and has said he could end the war in 24 hours, comments that appear to suggest he would press Ukraine to surrender territory that Russia now occupies. “It’s hugely important that this G7, that all colleagues across the G7 continue to stand with Ukraine for as long as it lasts,” British Foreign Secretary David Lammy said as he arrived. He announced new sanctions on vessels of Russia's “shadow fleet” of ships that are evading sanctions to export Russian oil. “And we are confident that Ukraine can have the funds and the military equipment and kit to get through 2025,” Lammy said. The G7 foreign ministers’ meeting, the second of the Italian presidency after ministers gathered in Capri in April , is being held in the medieval town of Fiuggi southeast of Rome, best known for its thermal spas. On Monday, which coincides with the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, ministers were attending the inauguration of a red bench meant to symbolize Italy’s focus on fighting gender-based violence. Over the weekend, tens of thousands of people marched in Rome to protest gender-based violence , which in Italy so far this year has claimed the lives of 99 women, according to a report last week by the Eures think tank.

Shettima advocates for tech-driven solutions to terrorism, cybercrimePeople determined to spread toxic messages online have taken to masking their words to bypass automated moderation filters. A user might replace letters with numbers or symbols, for example, writing “Y0u’re st00pid” instead of “You’re stupid”. Another tactic involves combining words, such as “IdiotFace”. Doing this masks the harmful intent from systems that look for individual toxic words. Similarly, harmful terms can be altered with spaces or additional characters, such as “h a t e ” or “h@te”, effectively slipping through keyword-based filters. While the intent remains harmful, traditional moderation tools often overlook such messages. This leaves users — particularly vulnerable groups — exposed to their negative impact. To address this, we have developed a novel pre-processing technique designed to help moderation tools more effectively handle the subtle complexities of hidden toxicity. An intelligent assistant Our tool works in conjunction with existing moderation. It acts as an intelligent assistant, preparing content for deeper and more accurate evaluation by restructuring and refining input text. By addressing common tricks users employ to disguise harmful intent, it ensures moderation systems are more effective. The tool performs three key functions. It first simplifies the text. Irrelevant elements, such as excessive punctuation or extraneous characters, are removed to make text straightforward and ready for evaluation. It then standardises what is written. Variations in spelling, phrasing and grammar are resolved. This includes interpreting deliberate misspellings (“h8te” for “hate”). Finally, it looks for patterns. Recurring strategies such as breaking up toxic words (“I d i o t”), or embedding them within benign phrases, are identified and normalised to reveal the underlying intent. These steps can break apart compound words like “IdiotFace” or normalise modified phrases like “Y0u’re st00pid”. This makes harmful content visible to traditional filters. Importantly, our work is not about reinventing the wheel but ensuring the existing wheel functions as effectively as it should, even when faced with disguised toxic messages. Catching subtle forms of toxicity The applications of this tool extend across a wide range of online environments. For social media platforms, it enhances the ability to detect harmful messages, creating a safer space for users. This is particularly important for protecting younger audiences, who may be more vulnerable to online abuse. By catching subtle forms of toxicity, the tool helps to prevent harmful behaviours like bullying from persisting unchecked. Businesses can also use this technology to safeguard their online presence. Negative campaigns or covert attacks on brands often employ subtle and disguised messaging to avoid detection. By processing such content before it is moderated, the tool ensures that businesses can respond swiftly to any reputational threats. Additionally, policymakers and organisations that monitor public discourse can benefit from this system. Hidden toxicity, particularly in polarised discussions, can undermine efforts to maintain constructive dialogue. The tool provides a more robust way for identifying problematic content and ensuring that debates remain respectful and productive. Better moderation Our tool marks an important advance in content moderation. By addressing the limitations of traditional keyword-based filters, it offers a practical solution to the persistent issue of hidden toxicity. Importantly, it demonstrates how small but focused improvements can make a big difference in creating safer and more inclusive online environments. As digital communication continues to evolve, tools like ours will play an increasingly vital role in protecting users and fostering positive interactions. While this research addresses the challenges of detecting hidden toxicity within text, the journey is far from over. Future advances will likely delve deeper into the complexities of context—analysing how meaning shifts depending on conversational dynamics, cultural nuances and intent. By building on this foundation, the next generation of content moderation systems could uncover not just what is being said but also the circumstances in which it is said, paving the way for safer and more inclusive online spaces.Athiya Shetty's Heartbreaking Reaction Goes Viral As Pat Cummins Dismisses KL Rahul For A Duck - Watch

NEW YORK — No ex-president had a more prolific and diverse publishing career than Jimmy Carter . His more than two dozen books included nonfiction, poetry, fiction, religious meditations and a children’s story. His memoir “An Hour Before Daylight” was a Pulitzer Prize finalist in 2002, while his 2006 best-seller “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid” stirred a fierce debate by likening Israel’s policies in the West Bank to the brutal South African system of racial segregation. And just before his 100th birthday, the Dayton Literary Peace Prize Foundation honored him with a lifetime achievement award for how he wielded "the power of the written word to foster peace, social justice, and global understanding.” In one recent work, “A Full Life,” Carter observed that he “enjoyed writing” and that his books “provided a much-needed source of income.” But some projects were easier than others. “Everything to Gain,” a 1987 collaboration with his wife, Rosalynn, turned into the “worst threat we ever experienced in our marriage,” an intractable standoff for the facilitator of the Camp David accords and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. According to Carter, Rosalynn was a meticulous author who considered “the resulting sentences as though they have come down from Mount Sinai, carved into stone.” Their memories differed on various events and they fell into “constant arguments.” They were ready to abandon the book and return the advance, until their editor persuaded them to simply divide any disputed passages between them. “In the book, each of these paragraphs is identified by a ‘J’ or an ‘R,’ and our marriage survived,” he wrote. Here is a partial list of books by Carter: “Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President” “The Blood of Abraham: Insights into the Middle East” (With Rosalynn Carter) “Everything to Gain: Making the Most of the Rest of Your Life” “An Outdoor Journal: Adventures and Reflections” “Turning Point: A Candidate, a State, and a Nation Come of Age” “Always a Reckoning, and Other Poems” (With daughter Amy Carter) “The Little Baby Snoogle-Fleejer” “Living Faith” “The Virtues of Aging” “An Hour Before Daylight: Memories of a Rural Boyhood” “Christmas in Plains: Memories” “The Hornet’s Nest: A Novel of the Revolutionary War” “Our Endangered Values: America’s Moral Crisis” “Faith & Freedom: The Christian Challenge for the World” “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid” “A Remarkable Mother” “Beyond the White House” “We Can Have Peace in the Holy Land: A Plan That Will Work” “White House Diary” “NIV Lessons from Life Bible: Personal Reflections with Jimmy Carter” “A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence, and Power” “A Full Life: Reflections at Ninety”ITV I'm A Celeb fans say 'true colours' exposed with star 'set to walk'Nevada 90, Oklahoma St. 78

Waldencast plc ( NASDAQ:WALDW – Get Free Report ) was the target of a large growth in short interest in December. As of December 15th, there was short interest totalling 31,400 shares, a growth of 52.4% from the November 30th total of 20,600 shares. Based on an average trading volume of 14,500 shares, the days-to-cover ratio is currently 2.2 days. Waldencast Price Performance Shares of Waldencast stock opened at $0.14 on Friday. Waldencast has a twelve month low of $0.09 and a twelve month high of $0.98. The company has a fifty day moving average price of $0.13 and a 200 day moving average price of $0.16. About Waldencast ( Get Free Report ) Recommended Stories Receive News & Ratings for Waldencast Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Waldencast and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .Team NI Commonwealth chief says Ulster Banner linked to race hate as he sets out rationale for dropping the flag

VERMILLION, S.D. — A touchdown pass with 12 seconds left delivered one of try biggest wins in University of South Dakota football history. Quarterback Aidan Bouman dropped back and found a wide open Javion Phelps streaking down the sideline for a 25-yard touchdown to put the No. 4 Coyotes up 29-28 on No. 1 North Dakota State on Saturday at the DakotaDome in Vermillion. The rest was history as the one-point gap stood as the game’s final score. “Javion made a good play, he found a pocket and we scored,” Bouman said. “We took a sack the play before which wasn’t good, you always want to get the ball out (while running the two-minute drill), but guys got up and got to the ball just we practice. “Guys just made plays. I just had to get the ball out and give guys a chance.” The win earned USD a share of the Missouri Valley Football Conference crown for the first time in program history, which is split three ways with NDSU and South Dakota State. “I’ve been here six years and saw some of the older guys around today,” said defensive lineman Blake Holden, who was one of many seniors recognized before the game. “Growing up a Coyotes fan and living out my childhood dream, doing something that no other team here has done is just surreal. “This win just shows the loyalty and dedication the guys that have been around here and have stuck it out.” The Coyotes (9-2) got out to a 14-0 lead behind a pair of Travis Theis rushing scores. USD’s defense was dominant to start the game. Though NDSU would find ways to move the ball eventually, mainly in the form of quarterback Cam Miller, the Bison’s first nine offensive plays of the game went for a combined nine yards and resulted in a trio of three-and-outs. “I’m very proud of these guys,” said USD head coach Bob Nielson. “We got out the early lead but watched (NDSU) come back and take the lead and just kept playing. “It’s the game it should have been. Championship games should come down to the wire. Doing something that no other team at South Dakota has done is certainly a special accomplishment. But we feel like we have a lot more left to accomplish.” Theis capped off the first USD scoring drive by taking a direct snap and diving over the goal line from six yards out to give the Coyotes a 7-0 lead with 6 minutes, 35 seconds left. He then went in from 12 yards out for his second score as he found a seem on the edge and took it in with 12:44 left in the second to put his team up 14-0 with just under 13 minutes left in the second quarter. North Dakota State bounced back with a 23-yard scoring pass from Miller to Braylon Henderson to cut the USD lead in half. CharMar Brown tied it on a 3-yard rushing score. “We just kept trust in ourselves and stuck to our game plan,” said USD senior defensive back Dennis Shorter. USD responded by taking the lead back on a 37-yard Will Leyland field goal but then saw NDSU answer with 14 unanswered points as Miller rushed in for a touchdown and Brown scored on a 1-yard run with 4:10 left in the fourth quarter to cap off a 20-play, 99-yard drive after USD downed a punt at NDSU 1. “You never think its over until the clock hits zero,” Bouman said. “(During the NDSU drive) I was just pacing up and down the sideline telling guys we need to score (quickly) when we get it back.” The Coyotes’ D held again and Bouman found Jack Martens for a 40-yard TD. South Dakota won possession back with around 1 1⁄2 minutes left and went 58 yards on six plays as Bouman found Phelps for the winner. For NDSU, Miller ended the game 10-22 passing for 174 yards plus 19 carries for 82 yards and two total touchdowns (one rushing, one passing). Brown had two scores and wound up with 54 yards rushing on 10 carries. RaJa Nelson, Bryce Lance and Henderson all had three catches for NDSU as the team had four receivers end the contest with between 40 and 50 yards. Bouman, a redshirt junior, completed 18 of 30 passes for the Coyotes for 272 yards the pair of TDs. Theis, a senior running back, totaled 13 carries for 66 yards plus two TDs while Charles Pierre Jr. and Keyondray Jones-Logan combined for 11 carries and 64 yards. Theis also chipped in four catches for 45 yards. Phelps’ catches all came at opportune times as he ended with 79 yards receiving. Senior Carter Bell hauled in four receptions that went for 60 yards and Martens had two catches for 51 yards. The win solidifies USD’s spot among the teams that will receive a first-round bye in the FCS playoffs and a second-round home game, but USD will find out its fate on Sunday during the NCAA selection show. “That was a heck of a football game,” said Nielson. “This team set out on a mission almost a year ago. The only thing they’ve been focused on was winning a championship. We won one today (a conference title), but that’s not the only one we want, and we’re going to have a chance to play for another one. “There’s a lot more out there for this team, so we’ll see where the bracket shakes out and get back to work.”Holiday gift ideas for the movie lover, from bios and books to a status tote

The Democratic Party, to quote President Joe Biden , has reached an inflection point. Blame for Vice President Kamala Harris 's landslide loss, not to mention losing control of the Senate, has fallen squarely on the current regime. And while pundits and strategists may disagree on the specifics of how those losses came to pass, the 2024 cycle is likely to accelerate the party's internal power struggle. Democratic National Committee Chairman Jaime Harrison has announced that he won't run for a second term in office, and Democratic operatives have suggested to the Washington Examiner that the "sheer totality" of the party's losses could see the "non-Biden wing" of the party stand to benefit. HOW BIDEN IS TRYING TO SHAPE HIS LEGACY WITH JUST MONTHS LEFT IN OFFICE The DNC chairman election isn't expected to take place until January, with the committee expected to officially set a timeline at their mid-December meeting. Two veteran Democratic strategists told the Washington Examiner that they expect to see DNC chair candidates spend the coming weeks not only working with the 440 DNC members but publicly signaling to voters how they mark a "fundamental shift" away from the Biden years. "After this election, there's a sense that leadership and strategy — the party just outright missed the mark in connecting with voters," one strategist stated. "If it ain't broke, don't fix it, right? Well what happens when it does break? You bring people in to fix it. The party can't help people if we aren't winning." "I think there's a lot of resentment right now directed at the kind of old guard. Politically, when it comes to messaging and outreach, there needs to be some serious changes," a second added. "A changing of the guard." Two candidates have formally declared bids: former Maryland Gov. Martin O'Malley and current DNC Vice Chairman Ken Martin. O'Malley, who opposed former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in the 2016 Democratic primary and served as Biden's Social Security Administration commissioner, was the first candidate to declare his bid, calling himself a "proven operational leader and a turnaround manager." Asked by the New York Times why Harris lost to President-elect Donald Trump, O'Malley responded that "the American people's eyes were taken off the ball and by the politics of fear." He also declined to criticize Biden for seeking a second term in office, a running narrative among Democrats following Election Day. "I’m focused on the future. And I’m running for chair of the D.N.C. because I believe I can lead us out of this darkness and into a better future where we do a better job of connecting with the American people around the economic reality," he explained. "I can’t fix yesterday. I’m not running to fix yesterday or second-guess yesterday." FIVE DEMOCRATS IN PRIME POSITION TO BE FACE OF THE PARTY IN 2028 Martin, on the other hand, has been a DNC vice chair for seven years and chaired the Minnesota Democratic Party since 2011. And while O'Malley said he planned to meet with party members in the coming weeks to earn their endorsements, Martin touted 83 endorsements from DNC members upon his campaign launch. In his New York Times announcement interview, Martin blamed the 2024 results, partially, on "really strong headwinds blowing" blowing against Democrats from "the very beginning of this election," and "economic anxiety" that hurt the party in power. Former White House chief of staff Rahm Emanuel and Latino outreach specialist Chuck Rocha are also considering bids of their own. VOTERS SEND HISTORY-MAKING CANDIDATES TO CONGRESS Emanuel, a former congressman and mayor of Chicago, has courted some controversy while serving as Biden's ambassador to Japan for antagonizing China and is well known as a ruthless political operator. His potential run, however, has already been opposed by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), who claimed on X that "the DNC needs an organzier who gets people. Not someone who sends fish heads in the mail." Rocha might have the strongest progressive ties of the group after serving as Sen. Bernie Sanders's (I-VT) Latino whisperer on his 2016 and 2020 presidential campaigns and working on Sen.-elect Rep. Ruben Gallego's (D-AZ) winning 2024 campaign in Arizona. Rocha does come with his fair share of controversy. In 2013, he pleaded guilty to embezzling funds from the United Steelworkers Union for golf outings and tickets to the Stanley Cup. Whoever ends up victorious from the chairman race will certainly have their hands full. On top of performing an autopsy report on 2024, the DNC will be forced to deal with a burgeoning campaign to rewrite the 2028 primary schedule, all with a dramatically reduced workforce. The president had altered Democrats' cycles-old schedule ahead of the 2024 primary in an effort to inject diversity into the primary process. He specifically elevated South Carolina to first in the nation status as a reward for their help in securing Biden's 2020 nomination. Furthermore, Nevada, Georgia, and Michigan all skipped ahead of New Hampshire, prompting the Granite State to go rogue and hold an un-sanctioned primary ahead of the official committee schedule. CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER NBC News reported that, with Biden on the outs, multiple groups plan to challenge the current primary schedule ahead of 2028. Neither the New Hampshire nor South Carolina Democratic parties answered questions about the 2028 schedule, but South Carolina Democratic strategists told the Washington Examiner that the state would "fight to keep its first in the nation status."DJI Air 3S review: The go-to quadcopter drone

President Jimmy Carter recognized there was political value for a young congressman to be seen in proximity to the president. President Jimmy Carter, with U.S. Rep. John Cavanaugh right behind him as Carter suggested, is greeted on the tarmac by Gen. Richard H. Ellis after exiting Air Force One at SAC on Oct 22, 1977. So as Air Force One landed at Offutt Air Force Base in 1977 during Carter’s first presidential visit to the state, he offered Omaha congressman John Cavanaugh a little advice just before they exited the plane. “Stay close, John,” he said. Sure enough, the hundreds who had gathered on the tarmac to greet the president also saw Cavanaugh right in Carter’s shadow, which got Cavanaugh featured in news photos from the day. President Jimmy Carter never enjoyed much electoral success in Nebraska. The Democrat lost to Omaha native Gerald Ford in 1976 and conservative icon Ronald Reagan in 1980. But both during his four years as president and his many years after as an international champion of peace, the modest peanut farmer from Georgia gained a lot of admirers. Cavanaugh and other Nebraskans who met Carter described the former president — who died Sunday, according to his son and multiple news reports — as a kind and genuine man with a personality that sparkled as much as his signature wide-toothed grin. “What a wonderful person,” recalled Cavanaugh, a Democrat whose two terms in the House of Representatives coincided with Carter’s 1977-1981 term as president. Preston Love Jr. of Omaha also mourned Carter’s death at age 100. The North Omaha civic leader and recent Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate had the chance to meet the former president at Carter's home in 1983 as a then-staffer for Rev. Jesse Jackson. “I mourn the fact that he, to this date, has not received his due — as president, and for his post presidential exploits, which have been enormous,” Love said in 2023. Amanda Brewer, Habitat for Humanity of Omaha CEO, met Carter while volunteering to help build a Habitat home in Georgia in 1998 — an encounter that helped to inspire her to a career with the charity. "I think his legacy, and inspiration to me, is that everyone has the ability to make a difference," she said. Carter first came to Nebraska during campaign trips in 1975 and 1976. He had been doing a lot of campaigning across the Missouri River for the Iowa caucuses, the first test of the presidential election cycle. In fact, Carter ultimately wrote the book on how to use early success in Iowa and New Hampshire to propel a bid for a presidential party nomination. Carter was elected in November 1976, though in Nebraska incumbent Ford pulled in 59% of the vote and prevailed in 89 of the state’s 93 counties. Carter that spring also narrowly finished second to Frank Church of Idaho in the Nebraska Democratic primary. Carter’s first visit to the state as president came on Oct. 22, 1977, when he flew into Omaha to tour the Strategic Air Command headquarters at Offutt. At the time, tensions with the Soviet Union were high. The chance that a nuclear war could be waged one day from SAC’s bunker south of Omaha was very real. Carter received a tour of both the underground command post and the doomsday plane that could launch the nation’s nuclear arsenal in a time of emergency. He also picked up the “red phone” and spoke a message of thanks to SAC servicemen around the globe for their work to prevent “the possible destruction of our nation.” At the time, there was a little internal tension within SAC, too. Carter had recently canceled the B-1 bomber program, which was strongly supported by Gen. Richard H. Ellis, the SAC Commander. Carter didn’t back off the decision. He was focused on reducing the deficit at a time of high inflation. He felt the B-1 had been made obsolete by the development of accurate cruise missiles that could fly the same speed and distance and a new generation of B-2 stealth bombers that was on the drawing table. A display at SAC headquarters had included a model of the B-1. Before the president’s visit, it was replaced with a model of a B-52. Carter also toured a B-52 on the Offutt runway. (Reagan as president revived the B-1.) Cavanaugh was given the opportunity to fly into Omaha with Carter. The two talked about depressed farm prices, a chief concern in Nebraska, and the president’s energy bill during the flight. Carter stopped in Nebraska again during a cross-country flight on June 10, 1980, to tour tornado-ravaged Grand Island. A week earlier, a freakish storm sent at least seven tornadoes descending on the city, killing five, injuring 200 and destroying or damaging nearly a third of the city. Touring the devastation with then-Gov. Charles Thone, Carter’s motorcade stopped in front of what had once been the home of Del Kosmicki. The Grand Island man told the president everyone was working together in the recovery. Carter then crossed the street and stood atop the foundation of another former home to speak. Against a backdrop of shattered houses and stripped-bare trees, he told those gathered that God had blessed them by minimizing the damage. He encouraged them to keep their selfless attitudes during the rebuilding to come. "He was very genuine and sincere," Kosmicki told the Grand Island Independent. "I thought he did a really good job." Reagan’s Nebraska campaign chair called Carter’s visit an election-year political stunt. But Thone, a Republican, defended it as a sincere effort by the president to buoy spirits in the city. Later that year, Reagan swept Nebraska with 65% of the vote. Reagan’s landslide victory nationally sent Carter back to his farm in Plains, Georgia. But the loss certainly didn't send Carter into retirement. Carter worked for decades as an international ambassador for peace and human rights, creating an all-new model for post-presidential life. Love had the chance to meet Carter in Plains in 1983. At the time, Love was the lone staffer to Rev. Jesse Jackson as he registered voters in the South and laid the groundwork for Jackson's bid for president in 1988. Carter and his wife Rosalynn were gracious hosts, Love said, providing insight into the presidency and its history and even giving the visitors a tour of the peanut operation. “While President Carter encouraged Rev. Jackson to pursue a run for president, he was very clear and forthright about the pitfalls and the realities of doing such,” Love said. “I felt after meeting him in that situation, a tremendous like and respect for the man.” Amanda Brewer, left, with Rosalynn and Jimmy Carter and Brewer's mother, Kathy Jedlicka. Brewer recalled Carter as a down-to-earth and compassionate man when she met him in 1998 while she and her mom volunteered at a Habitat home in Americus, Georgia, near Plains. Carter and his wife, who died in November 2023, had fully embraced the charity. They became among its biggest advocates and fundraisers, and even picked up hammers and saws themselves. That day, the Carters were going around thanking all the volunteers. "He used his influence, rolled up his sleeves and was willing to do the work," Brewer said. "His values aligned with Habitat's values of putting your faith in action and doing something to make the world a better place." As president, Carter will likely be best known for brokering the peace deal between Egypt and Israel. It was a prelude to his work once out of office. Cavanaugh was present on the White House lawn when the parties signed the Camp David Accords. Carter won the 2002 Nobel Peace Prize "for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development." But Cavanaugh said Carter actually accomplished a lot domestically, much of it overshadowed by the Iran hostage crisis and continued economic problems that largely doomed his re-election bid. With his high ethics, Carter was also the right man to lead the nation into the post-Watergate era, Cavanaugh said. “He was always kind, hard-working and thoughtful,” Cavanaugh said. “He was just a sweetheart.” President Jimmy Carter shakes hands during a visit at Offutt Air Force base on Oct. 22, 1977. Capt. David L. Young gives a tour of a B-52 to President Jimmy Carter at Offutt Air Force Base on Oct. 22, 1977. President Jimmy Carter visits Strategic Air Command on Oct 22, 1977. 1977: SAC Commander-in-Chief Gen. Richard H. Ellis leads President Jimmy Carter past experts who man the command post console at Offutt Air Force Base. President Jimmy Carter speaks at the Grand Island airport on June 10, 1980. From left are Nebraska Gov. Charles Thone, Maj. Gen. Edward Binder of the Nebraska National Guard and Grand Island Mayor Bob Kriz. Carter's visit came after seven tornadoes touched down in or near the city, killing five people and injuring 200 on the night of June 3. President Jimmy Carter gives a speech near the destroyed home of Dennis Williams home at 707 Joehnck Road in Grand Island on June 10, 1980. Seven tornadoes touched down in or near the city that, killing five people and injuring 200. President Jimmy Carter gives a speech near the destroyed home of Dennis Williams home at 707 Joehnck Road in Grand Island on June 10, 1980. Seven tornadoes touched down in or near the city that, killing five people and injuring 200. Grand Island Mayor Bob Kriz, Nebraska Gov. Charles Thone and Jimmy Carter at the Grand Generation Center on June 10, 1980. Seven tornadoes touched down in or near the city that, killing five people and injuring 200. Former President Jimmy Carter receives an honorary degree from Creighton University in September 1987. Jimmy Carter speaks in Omaha on June 6th, 1975 during his run for president. President Jimmy Carter, with U.S. Rep. John Cavanaugh right behind him as Carter suggested, is greeted on the tarmac after exiting Air Force One at SAC on Oct 22, 1977. President Jimmy Carter at the Grand Generation Center on On June 10, 1980, a week after seven tornadoes touched down in or near the city that night, killing five people and injuring 200. Jimmy Carter holds a cigar tube full of dimes given to him by teen-aged supporters in Omaha on May 8th, 1976 during his run for president. Jimmy Carter in Grand Island May 9, 1976 during his run for president. Jimmy Carter speaks in Omaha on May 31, 1974, a prelude to his run for president. cordes@owh.com , ​402-444-1130, twitter.com/henrycordes Get local news delivered to your inbox!

ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s compassion and moral clarity, his work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections, house the homeless and advocacy for the disadvantaged as an example for others. “To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility,” Biden said in a statement. “He showed that we are a great nation because we are a good people – decent and honorable, courageous and compassionate, humble and strong.” Biden said he is ordering a state funeral for Carter in Washington. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Sanz is a former Associated Press reporter.

Indiana should be able to breathe easy this week. It has very little chance of making it into the Big Ten championship game. On the other hand, Georgia's spot in the Southeastern Conference title game is so risky that if the Bulldogs lose they might have been better off sitting it out. Over the next two weeks, the warm familiarity of conference championship games, which began in 1992 thanks to the SEC, could run into the cold reality that comes with the first 12-team College Football Playoff. League title games give the nation's top contenders a chance to hang a banner and impress the CFP committee, but more than ever, the bragging rights come with the risk of a season-wrecking loss — even with an expanded field. “I just don’t think it’s a quality conversation,” Georgia coach Kirby Smart said last week, sticking with the time-honored cliche of looking no further than the next weekend's opponent. Those who want to have that talk, though, already know where Georgia stands. The Bulldogs (9-2) are ranked sixth in this week's AP Top 25 and projected somewhere near that in the next set of CFP rankings that come out Tuesday. They already have two losses and will have to beat No. 3 Texas or No. 20 Texas A&M in the SEC title game on Dec. 7 to avoid a third. How bad would a third loss hurt? The chairman of the selection committee insists that a team making a conference title game shouldn't count against it. What that really means won't be known until the games are played and the pairings come out on Dec. 8. "We're going to let the season play out," Michigan athletic director Warde Manuel said. “But I think teams who make that championship game, the committee looks at them and puts them in high esteem." All of which could be good news for Indiana in the unlikely event the Hoosiers find themselves playing for the Big Ten title. IU is coming off a flop in its first major test of the season, a 38-15 loss to Ohio State last weekend. After his team's first loss of the season, coach Curt Cignetti took offense to being asked whether the Hoosiers were still a playoff-caliber team. “Is that a serious question?” he asked. “I’m not even gonna answer that. The answer is so obvious.” What might hurt Indiana, which dropped five spots to No. 10 in the AP poll, would be another drubbing. The Hoosiers would be at least a two-touchdown underdog in a title-game matchup against top-ranked Oregon. The odds of that happening, however, are slim. It would take a Michigan upset over No. 2 Ohio State on Saturday, combined with a Maryland upset over No. 4 Penn State and, of course, an Indiana win over Purdue (1-10). Because this is the first year of the 12-team playoff, there's no perfect comparison to make. For instance, this is the first time Power Four conference champions are guaranteed a spot in the playoff. But 2017 provides a textbook example of how a team losing its conference title game suffered. That year, Alabama had one loss (to Auburn) and didn't play in the SEC title game, but made the four-team field ahead of Wisconsin, which was 12-1 after a loss to Ohio State in the Big Ten championship game. Ohio State didn't make it either — two losses didn't get teams into a four-team field. Neither did undefeated UCF. Saturday's results made things a little more clear for the rest of the conferences: — In the Big 12, winning the title game will probably be the only way for Arizona State (9-2), BYU (9-2), Iowa State (9-2), Colorado (8-3) or anyone else to earn a spot in the 12-team playoff. None are ranked higher than 14th in the AP poll. — The Atlantic Coast Conference could get multiple bids. Miami (10-1), SMU (10-1) and Clemson (9-2) all finished in the top 12 of this week's AP poll. They were cheering the loudest when both Alabama and Ole Miss suffered their third losses of the season. — The Mountain West would be a one-bid conference, but that's only a sure thing if Boise State wins. A loss by the Broncos could open the CFP for Tulane or Army of the American Athletic. Both the MWC and AAC title games take place at 8 p.m. on Dec. 6. — Where the committee places Alabama and Ole Miss on Tuesday will be an indicator of what it thinks of teams with three losses that played very strong schedules. — It could also set the stakes for Georgia, which faces the prospect of loss No. 3 in the Dec. 7 title game, assuming the Bulldogs beat rival Georgia Tech this week. — Clemson has been steadily climbing. Its 34-3 loss to Georgia came on Aug. 31. Is it ancient history to the committee, though? — Indiana's status as a playoff team — in, out, nervous? — will become apparent. The Ohio State game was Indiana's first against a top-flight opponent. Then again, it is the Hoosiers' only loss and their weak Big Ten schedule is not their fault. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football